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Europe pressed to secure Strait of Hormuz after allies deny US base access for Iran strikes

European governments refused US requests for base access and overflight rights during recent strikes on Iran, prompting Washington to call on Europe to deploy its own forces to secure the Strait of Hormuz, through which a fifth of global oil passes.

Map showing the Strait of Hormuz with oil tankers and naval vessels in the Persian Gulf

European capitals are facing pressure to commit military resources to securing the Strait of Hormuz after several allies denied the United States use of bases and airspace for recent operations against Iran. The demand comes as Donald Trump's administration argues that the countries most dependent on Gulf energy flows should bear the burden of keeping the waterway open.

Allies refuse base access for Iran operations

When Israel and the US launched coordinated strikes against Iranian missile factories, underground storage sites and Revolutionary Guards headquarters last month, Spain, France and Italy all declined to support the deployment. Pedro Sánchez refused the use of the Rota naval station and the Torrejón and Morón airbases, which serve as the first refuelling stops for US forces crossing the Atlantic. Emmanuel Macron denied military overflight rights and sought to block freight flights carrying cargo to US bases in the region. Giorgia Meloni, despite courting favour with the Trump administration, barred access to the Sigonella airbase in Sicily.

The United Kingdom proved more accommodating, allowing unfettered use of US fighters at RAF Lakenheath and the long runways at RAF Fairford for bomber refuelling. Even so, London insisted on the right to approve individual targets, a condition military planners say is impractical once operations are underway.

Strait of Hormuz remains vulnerable

The Strait of Hormuz carries roughly 20 per cent of the world's oil, about a quarter of its liquefied natural gas and more than 10 per cent of its fertiliser. Although Iran's naval warships, submarines and most Revolutionary Guards motorboats have been destroyed, at least ten islands must be secured against infiltrated guard units and 1,500 miles of Iranian coastline require constant surveillance to detect anti-ship missile launchers.

Securing the waterway would demand far more than the 5,000 Marines currently discussed in Washington, with a corresponding exposure to casualties. US tolerance for losses, while higher than Europe's, has declined since the Vietnam era when the fertility rate exceeded 3.5; today few American families have more than one child, making each death politically acute.

European hesitation on Iran's nuclear programme

Reluctance to confront Iran predates the latest strikes. Last year the International Atomic Energy Agency reported that Iran held roughly 400 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60 per cent, sufficient for at least ten fission bombs. When Israeli and US bombers, including seven B-2 stealth bombers, destroyed Iran's nuclear installations on 25 June, European capitals offered no public support, limiting themselves to criticism of Israel.

Since 7 October 2023 Israel has lost 1,152 soldiers without political consequence. A population-proportionate loss for the United States would be 50,732 dead, a figure that would almost certainly trigger impeachment proceedings against any sitting president.

Washington shifts burden to Europe

Trump has now invited European nations, the primary consumers of Gulf oil and gas, to send their own armed forces to secure the strait. The administration argues that European allies, whose post-war independence was guaranteed by the US security umbrella, have defected from shared defence obligations while benefiting from the energy flows the strait provides.

Strategist Edward Luttwak notes that the US may remain the leading technological superpower while ceasing to be a global military power, a transition accelerated if the Persian Gulf falls under the control of Iran's Revolutionary Guards and their allies on the Arab shore.

What happens next

European governments must now decide whether to deploy naval and air assets to the Gulf, accept a greater share of regional security costs, or risk the strait's security being dictated by powers whose interests diverge from their own. Energy security, defence budgets and the future of the transatlantic alliance all hinge on that choice.